AFGHANISTAN
VII. SOCIAL NEEDS AND CONSIDERATIONS
VIII.12. IMPROVING VARIETY ACCEPTANCE THROUGH ON-FARM TRIAL DESIGN AND INTERPRETATION
A reasonable case can be made that deficiencies in the design of OFTs help to explain the perceived shortfall in farmer adoption of modern wheat varieties in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Additional scientific rigor might be added to OFTs in a number of ways.
VIII.12.1. COMMON SEED SANITATION
Seed of varieties being compared should be equally disease-free.
VIII.12.2. EQUAL ACCESS TO PROFESSIONAL SEED IMPROVEMENT
The phenomenon of yield decline over time also affects local varieties. Landrace and locally-improved varieties of some cereal crops typically gain 10-15% in yield as a result of professional re-selection of plants (which may actually change the genotype and phenotype of the variety). Within a typical cereal seed population, there is a tendency for plants with lower yield potential to be weedier and have more aggressive growth habits. As a result, over a series of cropping seasons there is a tendency for the percentage of higher-yield potential plants to be reduced as a result of crowding under typical field conditions. In variety improvement and stock seed selection, planting out wider-spaced individual plant or head rows allows plant selection to reduce the proportion of less weedy, while the proportion of higher-yield potential plants is increased.
VIII.12.3. MULTI-YEAR TRIALS
Multi-year on-farm trials help ensure realistic comparisons for several reasons. One, multi-year trials test the varieties under a broader range of climatic conditions than are present in a single season. Second, an introduced variety may enjoy a honeymoon period for several years before local patho-systems and insect pests challenge it seriously.
VIII.13. PRESENT BIODIVERSITY LEVELS AND INFORMAL SEED SECTOR TECHNIQUES IN WHEAT AND OTHER CROPPING SYSTEMS
Farmers who manage both rainfed and irrigated crops are more hedged against environmental change and their seed collections is more diverse, and thus as a group are often useful to work with during post-emergency rehabilitation. In 2001 and 2002, FOCUS Humanitarian Relief hired farmers of rainfed and irrigated wheat in Bamiyan and Baghlan provinces to grow rainfed-variety wheat seed in irrigated fields as a means of multiplying such seed under lower risk as compared to planting the same seed in rainfed environments (Fitzherbert, 2000).
VIII.13.1. WHEAT SEED SELECTION
In no interviews during the May mission, no farmers were identified who practiced wheat seed selection in a relatively uniform standing crop. A number of wheat farmers did admit to selecting seed from particular parts of a standing crop when the stand itself was uneven as might be caused by uneven soil fertility, uneven water supply, bird or insect damage, disease or lodging. Nor did farmers describe complex arrays of varieties, local or modern, or mention particularly rapid variety turnover from one year to the next. No farmer admitted to selecting his wheat seat by selecting individual panicles. However, selection techniques were used for maize, watermelons, and cucumber, i.e., choosing attractive ears or fruit for seed purposes. (It should be noted that in other countries, selection of maize seed by choosing attractive ears was found to reduce yield, as resulting plants tended to produce one large ear which gave overall yield less than that of plants which produced 2-3 medium-sized ears).
VIII.13.2. WHEAT VARIETY DIVERSITY
This relatively informal research gave the impression that wheat variety diversity within relatively central, irrigated wheat systems was generally cosmopolitan with respect to origin, but relatively impoverished with respect to numbers of varieties and the complexity of their distribution over space and time.
Wheat varietal diversity found within irrigated systems within a day's drive of Kabul City was relatively low. One farmer said he was growing four varieties in the 2001-2002 season. All others stated they were growing three or fewer. The two modern wheat varieties, Ataya and Pamir were frequently mentioned in Logar and Kabul provinces. Farmers sometimes referred to their local variety(s) as "gandum watani" or "local variety" and there was not sufficient time and resources to determine how many actual varieties were being referred to.
VIII.13.3. OVERALL FINDINGS FROM 5 CENTRAL PROVINCES
In May 2002, the following overall findings can be summarized:
Steps should be taken to minimize a tendency to "seed management passivity" by accompanying seed distributions with (appropriately field-tested) instructions on how best to manage seed plots and to select, store, rotate and exchange seed varieties, and to provide feedback to agricultural extension personnel, NGOs, and others on the pros and cons of varieties to which farmers are exposed. A practical means of achieving this is described in the "Village Seed Program" included in the Strategies and Recommendations section of this report.
While controlling factors may be the lack of variety development, seed supply, and extension promotion during the extended conflict and the emergency situation it created, it is clear that farmer financial condition was quite important.
VIII.14. SAMPLE FARMER INTERVIEW WITH MR. JUMA
KHAN, BAMIYAN CENTER
VIII.14.1. FAMILY STATUS
Mr. Juma Khan is a 30-year-old farmer in the village of Sar Asiab in Bamiyan Center District of Bamiyan Province. Like most people in Bamiyan, he is Hazara. He has 12 years of education, is married, and has 5 children aged 1 to 12. Another child had died. The three oldest, a son and two daughters, attend school. He would like to have 12 children. He has no debt and one jerib of land (2000 M2).
When he was 18, Mr. Khan had a job with the Ministry of Agriculture instructing farmers on how to grow apple, pear, and apricot trees. Six years ago, he had a job with the Ministry as a forest guard. He still thinks of himself as having this job even though he has not been paid in many years.
When interviewed on May 25, he had been working for the NGO Solidarites for 25 days helping to rebuild roads and irrigation canals, at a pay scale of 70,000 Afghanis per day (US$2/day).
He and his family were displaced to Kabul when the Taliban first came to Bamiyan four years ago. He has been back in Bamiyan for 3 months.
VIII.14.2. WHEAT SEED USE
Mr. Khan bought 50 kg of "Weeks" variety wheat seed in the Bamiyan bazaar for 40,000 Afghanis per seer (5,714 Afghanis/kg or USS0.16/kg). At 55 days, the crop looked good. He had already irrigated three times, with the ample amounts of gravity-flow irrigation water that flow through Bamiyan Center at various levels. At the first irrigation, he applied 25 kg of Sona brand urea fertilizer from Pakistan, for which he paid 350,000 Afghanis (US$10).
He said there were no farmers specializing in seed production in his village. Farmers tend to keep their own seed. He sometimes buys seed from another farmer in the village, paying about 5000 Afghanis/seer more than the price of wheat in the market.
During harvest in drought years, he sets aside good-looking batches of wheat sheaves. He threshes these by hand with a stick, and stores the seed in a room in his house. He "selects" seed every time the harvest is not good, but otherwise simply takes his seed from the main harvest.
VIII.14.3. POTATO SEED USE
Mr. Khan gets fresh seed every year, but "this year is using his own." Next year he will source his seed from a more distant place like Jalalabad, Kabul, Mazar-e-Sharif, or Maydan Shar District of Warkdak. However, while such seed "comes from someone else", there is no measure of its quality for planting purposes, such as virus freedom or varietal quality. Mr. Khan did not mention any potato variety, but his 19-year-old neighbor, who planted 2 jerib of Weeks variety wheat, had planted 3 jerib of potatoes using his own seed of what he identified as three varieties: Sabz Gul (green flower), Safed Gul (white flower), and Bay Gul (flowerless).
VIII.15. WHEAT VARIETY TURNOVER: INTERVIEW WITH ONE FARMER IN KHWAJA OMERI DISTRICT, GHAZNI
Mr. Nezamudin is a 38-year-old Tajik farmer living in Koshk village in Ghazni Center. The village has about 150 families. His family moved here from Herat about five generations ago. He has two sons and two daughters. All are vaccinated for measles and polio and the oldest child, an 8-year-old daughter, is in school. Four other children have died, which is an extraordinarily high level of child mortality.
This season Mr. Nezamudin is renting 5 jerib of land for "130 lakhs Afghani" (US$371) and share-cropping another 5 jerib of land at a rate of 2 parts of the crop to the landowner and one part to Mr. Nezamudin, with the landowner paying for all purchased inputs. He typically uses 40 kg/jerib of Urea and 20 kg/jerib of double ammonium phosphate. The cash rent of 130 lakhs (1 lakh = 100,000) Afghani is more than his existing debt level, which he put at 60 lakhs Afghani borrowed from relatives. His land use this season is: wheat 2 jerib, onion 2 jerib, cucumber 1 jerib, potato 1 jerib, and the rest (4 jerib) orchard.
His wheat variety use over time was reportedly:
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1998
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1999
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2000
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2001
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2002
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Ataya
85
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Ataya
85
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Ataya
85
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Gul
96
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Gul
96
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Kalak
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Kalak
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Pamir
94
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Pamir
94
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Two shifts are evident in this 5-year time series:
The disparity of social and economic conditions in the country, the agriculture sector in Afghanistan, including the informal seed sector, will require a mix of emergency and development aid for some time to come.
As emergency aid is particularly difficult to administer effectively, it may be tempting to cite evidence that it has become "part of the problem." Yet, the grim reality of war-torn and drought-stricken areas of rural Afghanistan is that food insecurity continues to affect as much as 90% of the population; areas of absolute poverty and social vulnerability persist; and therefore subsidized aid has an important role to play in re-establishing a viable basis for rural livelihoods and the civil society upon which it is based.
Both formal and informal seed sectors could be fostered in the following ways: